The graphic also shows us that anarcho-syndicalism belongs to the collectivist branch of anarchist thought, and is heavily influenced by Marxist, communist and socialist ideas. Anarcho-syndicalists share the communist view that capitalism is an oppressive economic system and one that will never be able to meet the essential needs of workers in a way that is fair and just. Like communists, anarcho-syndicalists believe that the means of production should be collectivised, or placed in the hands of the workers. Only then will resources be distributed fairly within society, allowing workers to live happy, fulfilled lives free from dependence on low wages.
ANARCHO-SYNDICALISM : Theory and Practice free download
Anarcho-syndicalism is an ever-changing body of ideas and methods of struggle to bring about a society free of states, capitalism and other oppressive institutions and relationships. Since it develops through practical experience, it is a characteristic of anarcho-syndicalism that the development of ideas and strategies is ongoing. It has and will continue to change since the events dealt with in any particular Unit in this course. In other words, anarcho-syndicalism is not about rigid dogma, but principles and practice. The Course aims to illustrate the development of such principles and practice.
We cannot rely on the state to deliver the education we want. In fact, the only way to overcome the sense of powerlessness is through personal development. Self-confidence can only arise from collective self-reliance, self-determination, and self-education. No-one can educate themselves as an individual. Knowledge does not just appear - it is developed by human interaction. In other words, we can only educate ourselves through interaction with each other. Self-education is therefore collective by its very nature. We aim to put self-education theory into practice, and we hope A History of Anarcho-syndicalism is an example of this.
Primitivist and green anarchists reject technology, globalization, and capitalism as well as the state. Yet, globalization, technology, (and capitalism) are as much in opposition to the classical, hermetic nation-state as is philosophical anarchism. They are manifestly less coercive and more voluntary, too. This blanket defiance of everything modern introduces insoluble contradictions into the theory and practice of late twentieth century anarchism.
The term Syndicalism has been derived from the French syndicats, associations of workingmen uniting members of the same trade or industry for the furtherance of common economic interests. Syndicalism should therefore be synonymous with Industrial or Trades Unionism; but like "Socialism" the word has come to be used almost exclusively in a restricted sense and implies the principles expressed in theory and practice by French syndicates united in the Confédération Générale du Travail (General Confederation of Labour). Three influences have combined in the formation of this new system: revolutionary unionism, Anarchism, and Socialism. The theories of Proudhon together with those of Marx and Bakounine are here combined in a new form of industrial agitation which has received the name of "direct action". There has been no scientific or purposeful adaptation of the various doctrines. The mere cooperation in the same syndicats by followers of these often most antagonistic leaders has gradually brought about an agreement upon fundamental principles of revolutionary action to which all could subscribe, while free divergence of opinion might still find its individual expression outside the Syndicalist movement. While Syndicalism has but recently forced itself into popular notice, it is not new in its doctrines, which had almost all been accepted by the old "International" of Paepe, Marx, and Bakounine. When this was finally swept away during the revolutionary period of 1870-71, the present syndicats were gradually constructed, and after countless vicissitudes the Socialistic and Anarchistic elements were at last consolidated in the Confédération Générale du Travail.
In what follows I will argue that there has long been ananarcha-feminist movement. In particular, I will discuss the contribution tothis movement of Mujeres Libres (Free Women), an anarcha-feminist groupactive during the Spanish civil war, from 1936-1939. Although manyanarchists, including Mujeres Libres, rejected a feminist label becausefeminism was understood to be an ideology of the bourgeoisie, (1) andalthough I do not call myself an Anarcha-feminist because I purport thatanarchism is what best describes my feminism, I argue that anarcha-feminismis useful as both a term and in practice in both anarchist and feministmovements. With regards to the former, anarcha-feminism can serve to'mainstream' gender and feminist struggle, thereby making anarchistpractice more consistent with anarchist theory. With regards to the latter,anarcha-feminism can contribute to other feminist critiques of and strugglesagainst gender oppression.
Anarchism is more than an ideology. It is a philosophy and apractice of life, illustrated by its tendency of filling up the streetsbefore the bookshelves. Baldelli states that '[a]narchism has alwaysbeen anti-ideological, insisting on the priority of life and action to theoryand system'. (10) Anarchism has developed outside academic circles,forging itself through different struggles; thus the existence of differentkinds of anarchism. (11) I will focus on what is commonly referred to ascollective anarchism, which has arguably been practiced by mostanarcha-feminists. (12) Collective anarchism, also called communist or socialanarchism or anarcho-syndicalism, broadly holds that the free organisation ofindividuals into collectives that work collaboratively and withouthierarchies is not only the key to revolution but also a guide to theorganisation of society in the future. (13)
Many core anarchist arguments can be traced as far back as theancient Greek philosopher Zeno de Citium, the stoic, who envisaged an idealcosmopolitan society, where love would foster harmonious relationships, andwhere state laws and money would not be imposed upon individuals. (14) Somehave also suggested that elements of traditional Chinese thought have had a'kind of protoanarchist social vision' long before the Greeks. (15)In the sixth century BCE, Lao Tse denied the legitimacy of rulers; twocenturies later, Zhuangzi criticised private property, the unequaldistribution of wealth, class hierarchy and the existence of rulers. (16)Some have also seen traces of anarchist practice and organisation intraditional African societies and culture. (17) Woodcock, in his critique ofKropotkin's study of the free symbiotic arrangements throughout historyand across species, (18) argues that these claims have weak historicalfoundations and are a mere 'mythology created to give authority to themovement'. (19) However, it is important to recognise thatanti-authoritarian ideas have an important historical legacy though theseideas might not have been developed by individuals, organisations ormovements that claimed to be anarchist or that in any way created, per se,anarchist organisations as we know them today.
This second period proved to be a landmark in what can be calledanarcha-feminist history, although the term anarcha-feminism was not used. Inthe 1930s in Spain, there was already an unspoken clash between differentfeminist perspectives. Liberal feminism was identified by Mujeres Libres ascoming from the middle and upper classes and focused on giving women the samerights as men whilst ignoring a capitalist system that made some mensubordinate to others. Another strand of feminism developed out of anarchistcritiques of class and social and political oppression, arguing for socialrevolution and not just for political reform. The women of Mujeres Libresparticipated in the group not because they saw flaws in anarchist theory butrather in the practices of male-dominated anarchist groups, practices thatexcluded women and ignored gender oppression. This was obvious in the CNTunions. Despite their efforts to address the 'woman question',membership in these unions remained majority male and the issue of genderoppression marginal. (55) The anarcha-feminism of Mujeres Libres, then, wasnot an attempt to elaborate new theories against patriarchy, but to put intopractice many of the ideas that activists in the previous years had beendeveloping and to emphasise the necessity of women's capacitacion forthe social revolution taking place.
Anarcha-feminism has been and still is a tool to make of our livesand our political struggles a place where we not only fight against thepublic face of violence and oppression but also the private side of it, inthe home and the family. This process of mainstreaming gender oppression canact as a model for mainstreaming a struggle against racism, and homophobiaand environmental destruction. The 'revolution' entails thecreation of new structures to organise society and production as well asdifferent ways of relating to each other and to the world. Whilstanarcha-feminism strives to make anarchist thought and practice moreconsistent, it also calls on feminists everywhere to struggle not justagainst patriarchy but against all oppression, to realise that until there isno one oppressed in the world we will not be free. 2ff7e9595c
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